Kashmir’s political landscape is witnessing a major shift as the younger generation of prominent families steps into politics. Although these heirs plan to carry forward their parents’ legacies, many lack the experience of political struggle and grassroots engagement that shaped their predecessors. Several of them are disconnected from the region’s culture, with some not even able to speak Kashmiri, the lingua franca of the ‘estate’, reports Babra Wani.
The decision-making by the BJP-dominated Lok Sabha on August 5, 2019, has changed Kashmir. It has taken part of its post-partition history and has too many privileges flowing to the erstwhile state through concessions and exclusivity embedded in Article 370 and Article 35A.
Coincidently, a new group of ‘leaders’ is crawling up to the centre stage in Jammu and Kashmir, who will take a long time to pick up the sense of history, and the ideology of Kashmir’s identity politics. Most of them even require a lot of tuition to pick up the Kashmir language, the lingua franca that people see as part of their identity.
The politics in Jammu and Kashmir is shifting to the next generation and, in a few cases to the fourth generation. The generation shift is taking place in the top political families, which, of late, are the main talking point in BJP’s Kashmir talk. In his recent visit to Srinagar, Prime Minister Narendra Modi primarily focused on this – ‘the three families’. These include Mehbooba Mufti’s daughter, Iltija Mufti, Ghulam Nabi Azad’s children, Saddam Nabi Azad and Sofiya Nabi Azad, and Omar Abdullah’s twin sons, Zamir Abdullah and Zahir Abdullah.
The gradual transition is taking place at a time when Kashmir is going through a crucial election, which, in many ways is historic. While these young politicians are attending rallies and participating in political activities alongside their parents, Iltija stands out as the only one contesting in the Assembly Elections. She was fielded by her mother’s party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), from Bijbehara, the home seat that was represented by Abdul Rehman Veeri earlier. Since their public debut, this new wave of politicians has drawn significant attention from the public.
Despite their families’ decades-long legacy and experience, Kashmir’s young politicians are struggling to connect with the masses. At rallies and gatherings, they often speak in Urdu, accompanied by their parents. Iltija Mufti, currently campaigning for her party – she seat polled on September 18, frequently addresses crowds in Urdu. She has openly acknowledged her inability to speak Kashmiri.
Iltija Mufti has faced criticism from the public on numerous occasions for her inability to communicate in her native language. This shortcoming has drawn the ire of both political analysts and residents. “A leader unable to communicate in their native language risks struggling to form meaningful connections with the people, which are crucial for grasping and addressing their concerns,” a Bijbehara native said.
This issue has ignited various discussions on social media, with many sharing jokes and memes depicting Iltija interacting with the public.
Criticism intensified when comparisons were drawn with her mother, Mehbooba Mufti, who enjoys widespread affection and respect among Kashmiris. Iltija was berated for failing to inspire the same level of public enthusiasm and passion as her mother, prompting hesitation among voters to accept her as a leader. While some perceive her as distant due to the language barrier, her supporters argue that effective leadership should prioritise public welfare initiatives over linguistic proficiency.
The Omar Twins
Just like Mufti, Zamir and Zahir, sons of Omar Abdullah, frequently delivered speeches and addressed gatherings in Urdu while campaigning for candidates. Despite their efforts to connect with the people, language posed a significant barrier.
Interestingly, their father Omar Abdullah himself struggles with Kashmiri fluency. A recent video that went viral on social media platforms showed him placing his cap in his hands and saying: “Myoun dastar, myoun yazat, myoun ye toop che tehendyan athan manz. Myanes dastars karev raachh. Mae dyev akh moke tohe khidmat karnuk.” Translated, this means: “My turban, my respect, my cap is now in your hands. Please protect my turban. Give me a chance to serve you.”
Following the video’s widespread circulation, Omar became the subject of numerous memes and jokes, as his mispronunciation of certain words rendered his statement risible among the public.
Born to a British mother, Omar was a stranger to Kashmiri when he joined politics. Credit, however, goes to him he understands entire Kashmiri well and makes speeches in Kashmiri with accented pronunciation. There are certain Kashmir words still he thinks are tongue twisters.
The Azads
Recently, Congress deserter and Democratic Progressive Azad Party) (DPAP) Chief Ghulam Nabi Azad’s children addressed gatherings while campaigning for the party candidate, delivering their speeches in Urdu.
“None of these young individuals, who are following in their parents’ footsteps, can speak fluent Kashmiri. They struggle to communicate in their native language,” A scholar from Kulgam, who wished to remain anonymous, said. “I was disappointed to see Mehbooba Mufti promoting the Kashmiri language, only to see her daughter admit shortly after that she cannot speak it. This, to be honest, reeks of double standards.”
The emergence of these young successors from politically influential families has long been a topic of debate, and it has undoubtedly contributed to the increasingly familial nature of Kashmir’s political landscape.
All these children who aspire to lead post-2019 Jammu and Kashmir have spent most of their time outside Kashmir. They have read and were brought up in the best academic campus across the country.
Iltija graduated from Sri Venkateswara College in Delhi before going for further studies at Warwick University in England.
Zamir and Zahir are trained lawyers. Schooled at Sanskrit School at Delhi, the Omar twins did their graduation, and an LLB from Jindal Global Law School before joining the University of Westminster in England for a master’s in politics.
After Azad left Congress and created his “national” party in Jammu and Kashmir, Saddam Azad accompanied him to a series of public gatherings. He joined active politics in February 2023. In the last fortnight, Sofiya, his daughter is seen speaking to the people and seeking votes for the party candidates in South Kashmir, the region that polled on September 18.
Not much is known about Saddam but the public profile he has put suggests he is a businessman who has studied in England. A graduate of Modern School, Barakhamba Road and the University of Westminster, Sofiya experienced public transport first time in life when she went to study in London.
Iltija’s Election
Iltija Mufti, who remained busy campaigning for her seat, has now shifted to central Kashmir to support the candidates fielded by her mother’s party. Srigufwara (erstwhile Bijbehara) seat has been represented by family loyalist Abdul Rehman Veeri for four consecutive terms. This time, he had to shift away to pave the way for the third-generation Mufti.
After filing her nomination, Iltija described the moment as deeply emotional, noting the significance of Bijbehara as the seat where her mother, Mehbooba Mufti, and grandfather, Mufti Sayeed, first ventured into electoral politics. Sayeed secured a victory in this south Kashmir seat in 1962, while Mehbooba Mufti made a successful electoral debut here in 1996. “I could feel his soul was with me,” she said after paying her grandfather’s grave before submitting the papers.
Iltija is pitted against JKNC’s Bashir Ahmad Shah (Veeri) and BJP’s Sofi Yusuf. It is one of the few constituencies where there are no independents in the contest.
The Bijbehara-Srigufwara constituency, redrawn and renamed following delimitation, now encompasses the Jhelum River and the four-lane highway that traverses it. This altered landscape presents both opportunities and challenges for Iltija as she navigates her maiden electoral campaign.
Interestingly, Dr Shabir Siddiqui, a relative of the Muftis, is contesting for the first time, from neighbouring Pahalgam constituency.
The Familial Politics
However, Iltija and Shabir are not the only ones with familial ties to politics. While the top families might be aspiring to retain the leadership of the parties, their parents currently lead, generation shift is taking place across the board.
Before jailed MP Engineer Rasheed’s release on bail, his dramatic fall into a sajdah (prostration) outside Srinagar Airport garnered headlines, the family was up and kicking. Credit goes to son, Abrar who made his father the talk of the town in Kashmir during the Lok Sabha polls.
While Abrar may wait for a term, now five years, to contest, he has already an established politician who knows what and say, where and how. By now, however, Rasheed’s brother, Khurshid Ahmed Sheikh, filed nomination papers to contest the upcoming elections from Langate, having taken voluntary retirement from his government job.
This development sparked debate among the public and political analysts. Khurshid’s voluntary retirement from a school in his native Mawar area was officially sanctioned and took effect on September 1, 2024. With Rasheed now representing Baramulla in Lok Sabha, Khurshid will replace him as Langate MLA. Rasheed has represented this constituency twice in 2008 and 2014.
Rasheed’s Awami Ittehad Party (AIP) has fielded a father-son duo, Nazir Ahmad Khan and Adil Nazir Khan, as candidates for Beerwah and Gulmarg, respectively. Nazir was earlier with PDP, a party he deserted and won a DDC election to become its Chairman in Budgam. He now is with AIP.
In JKNC
Family is the priority almost everywhere. These are not three dynasties as Prime Minister Narendra Modi would like to tell people in Sher-e-Kashmir Stadium. It is everywhere.
Hilal Akbar Lone, son of former Member of Parliament and Assembly Speaker Mohammad Akbar Lone is contesting from Sonwari. A lawyer by profession, Hilal has already succeeded his father, who is not doing well for a long time. In anticipation of the reading-down of Article 370, Hilal was one of the many hundred political activists who were restricted by the Raj Bhawan administration by invoking the Public Safety Act.
There are many son-father duos currently in politics. Ali Mohammad Sagar and Salman Sagar are both contesting from two Srinagar berths. The party has fielded Salman from the Hazratbal as his father is contesting the Khanyar seat, a constituency he has represented for four consecutive terms before he debuted from Zaina Kadal in 1987.
The influential Gujjar Mian family of Wangat (Kangan) is in the news as Mian Mehar Ali is contesting for the first time from Kangan. The seat, now reserved for ST, was by his father Mian Altaf Ahmad who was elected to Lok Sabha from the South Kashmir constituency. Mehar will represent the fourth generation of the Mian family in politics.
By October, when the results will be out, Kangan berth will be represented by the same family for the eleventh time in a row. The family shifted from JKNC to Congress and then back to JKNC but retained the seat always. Mian Nizamuddin represented the seat in 1962, followed by his son Mian Bashir for four terms, who was succeeded by Mian Altaf who retained the seat for five consecutive terms and now the fourth generation is about to take over. The family retains the spiritual leadership of the Gujjar community across Jammu and Kashmir and is highly respected.
The National Conference has also given tickets to other newcomers, including Dr Sajjad Shafi, son of former minister Mohammad Shafi, and Irshad Rasool Kar, son of former Congress leader Ghulam Rasool Kar. Dr Shafi will contest from Uri, while Kar will represent the Doda Assembly Constituency.
The JKNC has fielded Tanvir Sadiq, a close associate of Omar. Son of Sadiq Ali, a long-time JKNC’s city Shia leader, Tanvir is contesting the Zadibal seat. Notably, Tanvir has also served as a political adviser to Omar Abdullah.
Ehsan Pardesi, the JKNC candidate for Srinagar’s Lal Chowk Assembly seat, hails from a family with a strong political background. His father, Ghulam Qadir Pardesi, has been actively involved in politics, having switched allegiance between the PDP and the National Conference on multiple occasions. He was the Deputy Commissioner, of Srinagar during the fateful 1987 elections, widely believed to be the watershed event that triggered militancy.
The PDP Candidates
JKPDP is not different on this count. Mehboob Beg, son of Mirza Afzal Beg, a former minister in the National Conference-led Jammu and Kashmir government, is one such example. Mehboob joined the PDP during the 2014 Assembly election and will now contest from the Anantnag seat. Afzal Beg has been a key figure in Kashmir politics who, at one point in time, was Sheikh Abdullah’s Man Friday – the man who negotiated the Beg Parthasarthy accord of 1975.
In Shopian, the party fielded Yawar Shafi Banday, son of Mohammad Shafi Banday, who had previously contested the election from Shopian on a Congress ticket. Yawar’s grandfather, Abdul Majeed Banday, has served as an MLA from Shopian three times.
In Budgam, it has fielded Aga Syed Hasan Al Moosavi’s son as its candidate for the Budgam seat. Aga Syed Hasan, president of Anjuman-e-Sharie Shian, has also been associated with the separatist Hurriyat Conference. Two other members of the Aga family, Aga Syed Ahmed and Aga Syed Mahmood are also contesting in this year’s Jammu and Kashmir Assembly elections.
The PDP has nominated Mohammad Rafiq Naik to represent Tral in the Assembly. Mohammad Rafiq is the son of Ali Mohammad Naik, who served as a minister in the Jammu and Kashmir administration and a former Assembly Speaker. He was a towering JKNC leader.
In Lolab, PDP has chosen Advocate Waqar-ul-Haq Khan, son of former lawmaker Abdul Haq Khan, as its candidate. According to party sources, Haq Khan, the former MLA from Lolab, has opted out of the election due to health issues. Khan had re-joined the PDP on August 20, following a two-year hiatus. He had previously served as Minister for Rural Development, Panchayati Raj, and Law and Justice in the PDP-BJP coalition government.
Khan was elected twice to the Assembly from Lolab constituency, first in 2008 and again in 2014.
Other Parties
The trend does not exist in the two regional parties alone. Other parties have similar generational stories too. Syed Altaf Bukhari-led Apni Party has fielded Yawar Dilawar Mir, son of five-time MLA Muhammad Dilawar Mir, as its candidate from Rafiabad. Yawer Mir will face competition from Javaid Dar of the National Conference and Abdul Gani Vakil of the Peoples Conference in a closely contested battle. Yawar has represented the constituency in 2014.
According to political analysts, however, Mir may have an advantage due to his family’s strong presence in the area. The Rafiabad Constituency has traditionally been a bastion for the Mir family.
The 2024 Assembly elections, the first in a decade, have provided a platform for several newcomers, often referred to as “political kids,” to make their debut. At the same time, many veteran politicians have opted to step aside.
Not in the Race
Several prominent politicians, including Mehbooba Mufti of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Farooq Abdullah, patron of the Jammu and Kashmir National Conference (JKNC), and Ghulam Nabi Azad, founder of the Democratic Progressive Azad Party, have opted not to contest the upcoming polls. This decision paves the way for their successors to take the reins.
Omar Abdullah, Farooq Abdullah’s son and a former chief minister, is set to contest from two assembly constituencies: Ganderbal and Budgam. However, his decision to run from Ganderbal has raised concerns about the party’s prospects in the constituency. Party sources said Omar wanted to contest from Ganderbal only but the crisis in Budgam led him to file a nomination there too.
Farooq Abdullah’s decision not to contest has sparked speculation among political analysts. They believe he may be offering son Omar enough of space to take over the party while he oversees the complete transition.
Mehbooba Mufti has followed Farooq’s footsteps. Her decision to stay away from the contest comes after recently losing her Lok Sabha seat to JKNC’s Mian Altaf. Of late, her daughter Iltija is gradually emerging as a powerful voice within the party.
For staying away, however, Mehbooba is offering a different story. She has expressed doubts about fulfilling her party’s agenda if elected, citing the constraints posed by Jammu and Kashmir’s current political status as a Union Territory.
“I was Chief Minister of a government that included the BJP, and we revoked FIRs against 12,000 persons in 2016,” she recently said. “Can we do that now? As Chief Minister, I wrote to separatists inviting them to talks, with Prime Minister Modi’s government. Can you do that today? I implemented a ceasefire on the ground. Can you do that today? If, as Chief Minister, you cannot take back an FIR, what value does such a post hold?”
While Mufti has publicly stated her reasons, Abdullah’s motivations remain unclear, with some attributing it to health concerns. He has been managing health issues since undergoing a kidney transplant in London in 2014, with his wife, Molly Abdullah, donating a kidney for the procedure.
Ghulam Nabi Azad is also not contesting the polls, citing health concerns.
“Politics has become a family affair,” a political analyst shared. “It is no longer confined to the Muftis and Abdullahs; in many areas, members of the same family are vying for victory. You will see family ties dominating the political landscape.”